Ruzibiza Abdul mbere gato yo kwitaba Imana yongeye gushinja Kagame

Ruzibiza Abdul  mbere gato yo kwitaba Rurema yashimangiye ibyo yari yarabwiye umucanza w'Umufarans a Bourguière nk'uko byashyizwe ahagaragara n'ikinyamakuru Marianne2 mu nyandikomvugo ya paje 11. Muri ubu buhamya yahaye Umucamanza Marc Trevidic wasimbuye Bourguière na mugenzi we Nathalie POUX bafatanyije gukurikirana ikirego cy'uwarashe indege yahitanye abakuru b'ibihugu babiri akabutangira muri Norvège(Norway). Ruzibiza ubwo yatangaga ubuhamya yemeye ko hafatwa amajwi n'amashusho kandi n'umwavoka umuburanira nawe yarahali.

Ababa bakeneye inyandikomvugo y'ubu buhamya mwayisanga aha hakurikira: http://www.marianne2.fr/Exclusif-avant-de-mourir,-le-temoin-pro-Kigali-avait-denonce-Kagame_a197724.html 

L'autre génocide impuni

LEMONDE.FR | Mis à jour le 01.10.10 | L'horreur du génocide des Tutsis du Rwanda par les Hutus en 1994 continue de neutraliser tout inventaire supplémentaire de l'apocalypse qui a frappé l'Afrique des Grands Lacs à l'orée du XXIe siècle. A tel point que l'élimination en 1996-1997, cette fois-ci, de centaines de milliers d'Hutus par l'armée tutsie du général Kagamé reste un crime politiquement incorrect qu'il demeure délicat d'évoquer, sous peine de se voir taxer des intentions les plus vicieuses. Si accablant que puisse être le pré-rapport de l'ONU sur les crimes commis en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) de 1993 à 2003, divulgué par Le Monde, il pourrait faire naître de faux espoirs à ceux qui désespèrent que la tragédie absolue qui a causé la mort de centaines de milliers de personnes dans l'Est du Congo reste à jamais sans sépulture judiciaire. Car le chemin qui reste à parcourir pour conduire les responsables devant un tribunal sera long. Et il est bien possible qu'ils bénéficient encore une fois d'un classement sans suite. Juillet 1995, Srebrenica, Bosnie : 6 000 à 8 000 morts. Certains des auteurs ont été condamnés. Milosevic a fini ses jours en prison. Karadzic se fait juger. Comment est-il possible, par comparaison, qu'il ait fallu autant d'années avant que ne commence seulement à être esquissée la nécessité de punir des crimes qui sont au minimum contre l'humanité – des milliers de morts – pour ne pas parler de génocide, puisque cela froisse Paul Kagamé ? Le génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda en 1994 a rendu depuis lors le vainqueur, encore au pouvoir à Kigali seize ans après, totalement intouchable. Regardons le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR). Alors que sa mission était également de juger les crimes de masse perpétrés par l'Armée patriotique rwandaise (APR) du général Kagamé, pas un seul accusé n'a été présenté devant une chambre. Le Rwanda a pratiqué le chantage, bloqué le fonctionnement du tribunal pour que finalement après le départ de Carla Del Ponte, le nouveau procureur du TPIR abandonne définitivement toutes velléités de faire juger quiconque du pouvoir rwandais actuel. Aurait-on osé devant l'histoire, s'agissant de l'ex-Yougoslavie, ne poursuivre que des criminels Serbes sans s'intéresser à ce qu'avaient fait les Croates ou les Bosniaques ? Il semble, en effet, que les critères soient différents lorsqu'on touche à l'Afrique et en particulier au Rwanda. L'élimination organisée et volontaire d'au moins 200 000 Rwandais en 1996-1997 par l'APR est connue et documentée depuis des années. La communauté internationale avait assisté presque en direct à la disparition dans les forêts congolaises des refugiés rwandais. Emma Bonino, Commissaire européen aux droits de l'homme, avait interpellé le Conseil de sécurité sur le danger mortel que courraient des centaines de milliers de personnes. Un projet d'une force internationale était alors évoqué et bientôt sabordé par les soutiens de Kigali qui, de son côté, fermait la zone aux ONG et aux journalistes. Et une fois de plus, malgré le caractère immense et notoire des massacres, on a tourné la tête, voir nié. Mieux, en ne poursuivant ni les crimes de l'APR en 1994 au Rwanda, ni ceux de 1996-1997, c'est un véritable permis de tuer que l'on a octroyé au pouvoir rwandais. Et depuis lors, son dossier criminel s'est nourri du pillage, avec d'autres, des ressources minières du Kivu et de l'Ituri, de l'entretien de la guerre et de ses chefs comme Laurent Nkunda. Avec pour constante, le martyr des populations vulnérables, dans ces forêts congolaises que certains rescapés surnomment la zone du diable. DEUX POIDS, DEUX MESURES ? Voilà seize ans que cela dure. Paul Kagamé vient de faire renouveler à 94 % son mandat de dictateur. Le pouvoir rwandais a réglé à l'intérieur le problème du questionnement de sa responsabilité dans les événements de 1994 qu'il appelle du négationnisme. Le procureur du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda, lui, s'est satisfait d'un déni international de justice. Et le secrétaire général des Nations unies court à Kigali parce qu'on craint que le Rwanda ne retire ses troupes du Darfour : pensez donc, un projet de rapport onusien utilise une qualification – génocide – inapproprié… Et ce n'est pas le moindre des paradoxes non plus que le ministre de la défense rwandais, James Kabarebe, fasse l'objet d'un mandat d'arrêt de la justice espagnole, précisément pour les événements du Congo. Il faut terriblement ignorer le Rwanda pour penser que l'impunité laissée au vainqueur de 1994 sur les crimes commis contre sa propre population pourra contribuer à solder les comptes de l'horreur. Les braises de la haine ne s'éteindront jamais tant que les crimes de l'APR ne seront pas jugés. L'injustice faite aux victimes Hutus du Congo vient nourrir les excuses que se donnent déjà les anciens tueurs de Tutsis au Rwanda. Loin des trottoirs de Kigali, refaits à neuf avec l'argent des bailleurs de fonds, la rancœur fermente dans les collines. Alors, maintenant qu'un peu de lumière est à nouveau jetée sur le charnier congolais, la diplomatie de couloir va-t-elle encore une fois réussir à escamoter les responsables ? C'est bien probable. C'est une fosse commune judiciaire que l'on prépare pour enterrer définitivement de véritables excommuniés du droit international. Les faits n'entrent dans la compétence d'aucune des juridictions internationales existantes et l'on ne peut compter sur les dirigeants impliqués pour se mettre en accusation. Si un tribunal spécial pour le Congo n'est pas créé, les assassins ne seront ni poursuivis, ni jugés. Après l'attentat ayant coûté la vie au Liban à Rafic Hariri, l'émotion de la communauté internationale et l'action des diplomates avaient poussé les Nations unies à instituer un tribunal spécial pour juger de l'assassinat d'un seul homme. L'élimination de certains groupes entiers d'êtres humains a-t-il moins d'importance ? L'ONU fait-elle deux poids, deux mesures ? Il est encore temps pour le Conseil de sécurité et le Secrétaire général des Nations unies de nous prouver le contraire. Vincent Courcelle-Labrousse Avocat au Barreau de Paris

What Really Happened in Rwanda?

Written by: Christian Davenport and Allan C. Stam Tuesday, October 6, 2009 www.Miller-McCune.com Turning Research into Solutions In 1998 and 1999, we went to Rwanda and returned several times in subsequent years for a simple reason: We wanted to discover what had happened there during the 100 days in 1994 when civil war and genocide killed an estimated 1 million individuals. What was the source of our curiosity? Well, our motivations were complex. In part, we felt guilty about ignoring the events when they took place and were largely overshadowed in the U.S. by such "news" as the O.J. Simpson murder case. We felt that at least we could do something to clarify what had occurred in an effort to respect the dead and assist in preventing this kind of mass atrocity in the future. We were both also in need of something new, professionally speaking. Although tenured, our research agendas felt staid. Rwanda was a way out of the rut and into something significant. Although well-intentioned, we were not at all ready for what we would encounter. Retrospectively, it was naïve of us to think that we would be. As we end the project 10 years later, our views are completely at odds with what we believed at the outset, as well as what passes for conventional wisdom about what took place. We worked for both the prosecution and the defense at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, trying to perform the same task — that is, to find data that demonstrate what actually happened during the 100 days of killing. Because of our findings, we have been threatened by members of the Rwandan government and individuals around the world. And we have been labeled "genocide deniers" in both the popular press as well as the Tutsi expatriate community because we refused to say that the only form of political violence that took place in 1994 was genocide. It was not, and understanding what happened is crucial if the international community is to respond properly the next time it becomes aware of such a horrific spasm of mass violence. Like most people with an unsophisticated understanding of Rwandan history and politics, we began our research believing that what we were dealing with was one of the most straightforward cases of political violence in recent times, and it came in two forms: On the one hand was the much-highlighted genocide, in which the dominant, ruling ethnic group — the Hutu — targeted the minority ethnic group known as the Tutsi. The behavior toward the minority group was extremely violent — taking place all over Rwanda — and the objective of the government's effort appeared to be the eradication of the Tutsi, so the genocide label was easy to apply. On the other hand, there was the much-neglected international or civil war, which had rebels (the Rwandan Patriotic Front or RPF) invading from Uganda on one side and the Rwandan government (the Armed Forces of Rwanda or FAR) on the other. They fought this war for four years, until the RPF took control of the country. We also went in believing that the Western community — especially the United States — had dropped the ball in failing to intervene, in large part because the West had failed to classify expeditiously the relevant events as genocide. Finally, we went in believing that the Rwandan Patriotic Front, then rebels but now the ruling party in Rwanda, had stopped the genocide by ending the civil war and taking control of the country. At the time, the points identified above stood as the conventional wisdom about the 100 days of slaughter. But the conventional wisdom was only partly correct. The violence did seem to begin with Hutu extremists, including militia groups such as the Interahamwe, who focused their efforts against the Tutsi. But as our data came to reveal, from there violence spread quickly, with Hutu and Tutsi playing the roles of both attackers and victims, and many people of both ethnic backgrounds systematically using the mass killing to settle political, economic and personal scores. Against conventional wisdom, we came to believe that the victims of this violence were fairly evenly distributed between Tutsi and Hutu; among other things, it appears that there simply weren't enough Tutsi in Rwanda at the time to account for all the reported deaths. We also came to understand just how uncomfortable it can be to question conventional wisdom. We began our research while working on a U.S. Agency for International Development project that had proposed to deliver some methodological training to Rwandan students completing their graduate theses in the social sciences. While engaged in this effort, we came across a wide variety of nongovernmental organizations that had compiled information about the 100 days. Many of these organizations had records that were detailed, identifying precisely who died where and under what circumstances; the records included information about who had been attacked by whom. The harder we pushed the question of what had happened and who was responsible, the more access we gained to information and data. There were a number of reasons that we were given wide-ranging access to groups that had data on the 100 days of killing. First, for their part of the USAID program, our hosts at the National University of Rwanda in Butare arranged many public talks, one of which took place at the U.S. embassy in Kigali. Presumably put together to assist Rwandan NGOs with "state-of-the-art" measurement of human rights violations, these talks — the embassy talk, in particular — turned the situation on its head. The Rwandans at the embassy ended up doing the teaching, bringing up any number of events and publications that dealt with the violence. We met with representatives of several of the institutions involved, whose members discussed with us in greater detail the data they had compiled. Second, the U.S. ambassador at the time, George McDade Staples, helped us gain access to Rwanda government elites —directly and indirectly through staff members. Third, the Rwandan assigned to assist the USAID project was extremely helpful in identifying potential sources of information. That she was closely related to a member of the former Tutsi royal family was a welcome plus. Once we returned to the U.S., we began to code events during the 100 days by times, places, perpetrators, victims, weapon type and actions. Essentially, we compiled a listing of who did what to whom, and when and where they did it — what Charles Tilly, the late political sociologist, called an "event catalog." This catalog would allow us to identify patterns and conduct more rigorous statistical investigations. Looking at the material across space and time, it became apparent that not all of Rwanda was engulfed in violence at the same time. Rather, the violence spread from one locale to another, and there seemed to be a definite sequence to the spread. But we didn't understand the sequence. At National University of Rwanda, we spent a week preparing students to conduct a household survey of the province. As we taught the students how to design a survey instrument, a common question came up repeatedly: "What actually happened in Butare during the summer of 1994?" No one seemed to know; we found this lack of awareness puzzling and guided the students in building a set of questions for their survey, which eventually revealed several interesting pieces of information. First, and perhaps most important, was confirmation that the vast majority of the population in the Butare province had been on the move between 1993 and 1995, particularly during early 1994. Almost no one stayed put. We also found that the RPF rebels had blocked the border leading south out of the province to Burundi. The numbers of households that provided information consistent with these facts raised significant questions in our minds regarding the culpability of the RPF relative to the FAR for killing in the area. During this period, we confirmed Human Rights Watch findings that many killings were organized by the Hutu-led FAR, but we also found that many of the killings were spontaneous, the type of violence that we would expect with a complete breakdown of civil order. Our work further revealed that, some nine years later, a great deal of hostility remained. There was little communication between the two ethnic groups. The Tutsi, now under RPF leadership and President Paul Kagame, dominated all aspects of the political, economic and social systems. Lastly, it became apparent to us that members of the Tutsi diaspora who returned to Rwanda after the conflict were woefully out of touch with the country that they had returned to. Indeed, one Tutsi woman with whom we spent a day in the hills around Butare broke down in tears in our car as we drove back to the university. When asked why, she replied, "I have never seen such poverty and destitution." We were quite surprised at the degree of disconnect between the elite students drawn from the wealthy strata of the Tutsi diaspora, who were largely English-speaking, and the poorer Rwandans, who spoke Kinyarwanda and perhaps a bit of French. It was not surprising that the poor and the wealthy in the country did not mix; what struck both of us as surprising was the utter lack of empathy and knowledge about each other's condition. After all, the Tutsi outside the country claimed to have invaded Rwanda from Uganda on behalf of the Tutsi inside — a group that the former seemed to have little awareness of or interest in. Our work has led us to conclude that the invading force had a primary goal of conquest and little regard for the lives of resident Tutsis. As the students proceeded with the survey, asking questions that were politically awkward for the RPF-led government, we found our position in the country increasingly untenable. One member of our team was detained and held for the better part of a day while being interrogated by a district police chief. The putative reason was a lack of permissions from the local authorities; permissions were required for everything in Rwanda, and we generally had few problems obtaining them in the beginning. The real reason for the interrogation, however, seemed to be that we were asking uncomfortable questions about who the killers were. A couple of weeks later, two members of our team were on a tourist trip in the northern part of the country when they were again detained and questioned for the better part of a day at an RPF military facility. There the questioners wanted to know why we were asking difficult questions, what we were doing in the country, whether we were working for the American CIA, if we were guests of the Europeans and, in general, why we were trying to cause trouble. On one of our trips to Rwanda, Alison Des Forges, the pre-eminent scholar of Rwandan politics who has since died in an airplane crash, suggested that we go to the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in Tanzania to seek answers to the questions we were raising. Des Forges even called on our behalf. With appointments set and with Mount Kilimanjaro in the distance, we arrived in Arusha, Tanzania, for our meeting with Donald Webster, the lead prosecutor for the political trials, Barbara Mulvaney, the lead prosecutor for the military trial, and others from their respective teams. As we began to talk, we initially found that the prosecutors in the two sets of cases — one set of defendants were former members of the FAR military, the other set of trials focused on the members of the Hutu political machine — had great interest in our project. Eventually, Webster and Mulvaney asked us to help them contextualize the cases that they were investigating. Needless to say, we were thrilled with the possibility. Now, we were working directly with those trying to bring about justice. The prosecutors showed us a preliminary database that they had compiled from thousands of eyewitness statements associated with the 1994 violence. They did not have the resources to code all of the statements for computer analysis; they wanted us to do the coding and compare the statements against the data we had already compiled. We returned to the U.S. with real enthusiasm; we had access to data that no one else had seen and direct interaction with one of the most important legal bodies of the era. Interest by and cooperation with the ICTR did not last as long as we thought it would, in no small part because it quickly became clear that our research was going to uncover killings committed not just by the Hutu-led former government, or FAR, but by the Tutsi-led rebel force, the RPF, as well. Until then, we had been trying to identify all deaths that had taken place; beyond confidentiality issues, it did not occur to us that the identity of perpetrators would be problematic (in part because we thought that all or almost all of them would be associated with the Hutu government). But then we tried to obtain detailed maps that contained information on the location of FAR military bases at the beginning of the civil war. We had seen copies of these maps pinned to the wall in Mulvaney's office. In fact, during our interview with Mulvaney, the prosecutor explained how her office had used these maps. We took detailed notes, even going so far as to write down map grid coordinates and important map grid sheet identifiers. After the prosecution indicated it was no longer interested in reconstructing a broad conception of what had taken place —prosecutors said they'd changed their legal strategy to focus exclusively on information directly related to people charged with crimes — we asked the court for a copy of the maps. To our great dismay, the prosecution claimed that the maps did not exist. Unfortunately for the prosecutors, we had our notes. After two years of negotiations, a sympathetic Canadian colonel in a Canadian mapping agency produced the maps we requested. As part of the process of trying to work out the culpability of the various defendants charged with planning to carry out genocidal policies, the ICTR conducted interviews with witnesses to the violence over some five years, beginning in 1996. Ultimately, the court deposed some 12,000 different people. The witness statements represent a highly biased sample; the Kagame administration prevented ICTR investigators from interviewing many who might provide information implicating members of the RPF or who were otherwise deemed by the government to be either unimportant or a threat to the regime.All the same, the witness statements were important to our project; they could help corroborate information found in CIA documents, other witness statements, academic studies of the violence and other authoritative sources. As with the maps, however, when we asked for the statements, we were told they did not exist. Eventually, defense attorneys —who were surprised by the statements' existence, there being no formal discovery process in the ICTR — requested them. After a year or so, we obtained the witness statements, in the form of computer image files that we converted into optically readable computer documents. We then wrote software to search through these 12,000 statements in our attempts to locate violence and killing throughout Rwanda. The first significant negative publicity associated with our project occurred in November 2003 at an academic conference in Kigali. The National University of Rwanda had invited a select group of academics, including our team, to present the results of research into the 1994 murders. We had been led to believe that the conference would be a private affair, with an audience composed of academics and a small number of policymakers. As it turned out, the conference was anything but small or private. It was held at a municipal facility in downtown Kigali, and our remarks would be simultaneously translated from English into French and the Rwandan language, Kinyarwanda. There were hundreds of people present, including not just academics but members of the military, the cabinet and other members of the business and political elite. We presented two main findings, the first derived from spatial and temporal maps of data obtained from the different sources already mentioned. The maps showed that, while killing took place in different parts of the country, it did so at different rates and magnitudes — begging for an explanation we did not yet have. The second finding came out of a comparison of official census data from 1991 to the violence data we had collected. According to the census, there were approximately 600,000 Tutsi in the country in 1991; according to the survival organization Ibuka, about 300,000 survived the 1994 slaughter. This suggested that out of the 800,000 to 1 million believed to have been killed then, more than half were Hutu. The finding was significant; it suggested that the majority of the victims of 1994 were of the same ethnicity as the government in power. It also suggested that genocide — that is, a government's attempts to exterminate an ethnic group — was hardly the only motive for some, and perhaps most, of the killing that occurred in the 100 days of 1994. Halfway into our presentation, a military man in a green uniform stood up and interrupted. The Minister of Internal Affairs, he announced, took great exception to our findings. We were told that our passport numbers had been documented, that we were expected to leave the country the next day and that we would not be welcomed back into Rwanda — ever. Abruptly, our presentation was over, as was, it seemed, our fieldwork in Rwanda. The results of our initial paper and media interviews became widely known throughout the community of those who study genocides in general and the Rwandan genocide in particular. The main offshoot was that we became labeled, paradoxically, as genocide "deniers," even though our research documents that genocide had occurred. Both of us have received significant quantities of hate mail and hostile e-mail. In the Tutsi community and diaspora, our work is anathema. Over the past several years, as we have refined our results, becoming more confident about our findings, our critics' voices have become louder and increasingly strident. Of course, we have never denied that a genocide took place; we just noted that genocide was only one among several forms of violence that occured at the time. In the context of post-genocide Rwandan politics, however, the divergence from common wisdom was considered political heresy. Following the debacle at the Kigali conference, the ICTR prosecution teams of Webster and Mulvaney let us know in no uncertain terms that they had no further use of our services. The reasons for our dismissal struck us as somewhat outrageous. From the outset, the prosecution claimed it was not interested in anything that would prove or disprove the culpability of any individuals in the mass killings. Now, they said, the findings we'd announced in the Kigali conference made our future efforts superfluous. Shortly after our dismissal, however, Peter Erlinder, a defense attorney for former members of the FAR military who were to be tried, contacted us. This was after several others from the defense had also attempted to contact us, with no success. We had misgivings about cooperating or working with the defense, the gravest being that such work might be seen as supporting the claim we were genocide deniers. After months of negotiating, we finally met Erlinder at a Starbucks in Philadelphia, Pa. The defense could have made a better choice for roping us in. Erlinder, a professor at the William Mitchell College of Law, was an academic turned defender for the least likable suspects. After we obtained lattes and quiet seats in the back of the coffee shop, Erlinder came straight to the point: He was, of course, interested in establishing his client's innocence, but he felt it would help the defense to establish a baseline history of what had taken place in the war in 1994. As he explained, "My client may be guilty of some things, but he is not guilty of all the things that any in the Rwandan government and military during 1994 is accused of. They have all been made out to be devils." What he asked was reasonable. In fact, he made the same essential offer the prosecution had: In exchange for our efforts at contextualizing the events of 1994, Erlinder would do the best he could to assist us in getting data on what took place. With Erlinder's assistance, we were able to obtain the maps we'd seen in Mulvaney's office and the 12,000 witness statements. With this information, we were able to better establish the true positions of both the FAR and RPF during the civil war. This greater confidence of the location of the two sides' militaries made — and makes — us more certain about the culpability of the FAR for the majority of the killings during the 100 days of 1994. At the same time, however, we also began to develop a stronger understanding of the not insignificant role played by the RPF in the mass murders. About this time, we were approached by an individual associated with Arcview-GIS, a spatial mapping software firm that wanted to take the rather simplistic maps that we had developed and improve them, thereby showing what the company's program was capable of. Our consultant at Arcview-GIS said the software could layer information on the map, providing, among other things, a line that showed, day by day, where the battlefront of the civil war was located, relative to the killings we had already documented. This was a major step. In line with the conventional wisdom, we had assumed that the government was responsible for most all of the people killed in Rwanda during 1994; we initially paid no attention to where RPF forces were located. But it soon became clear that the killings occurred not just in territory controlled by the government's FAR but also in RPF-captured territory, as well as along the front between the two forces. It seemed possible to us that the three zones of engagement (the FAR-controlled area, the RPF-controlled area and the battlefront between the two) somehow influenced one another. In his book, The Limits of Humanitarian Intervention, Alan Kuperman argued that given the logistical challenges of mounting a military operation in deep central Africa, there was little the U.S. or Europe could have done to limit the 1994 killings. To support his position, Kuperman used U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency information to document approximate positions of the RPF units over the course of the war. We updated this information on troop locations with data from CIA national intelligence estimates that others had obtained through the Freedom of Information Act and then updated it again, incorporating interviews with former RPF members, whose recollections we corroborated with information from the FAR. Our research showed the vast majority of the 1994 killing had been conducted by the FAR, the Interahamwe and their associates. Another significant proportion of the killing was committed not by government forces but by citizens engaged in opportunistic killing as part of the breakdown of civil order associated with the civil war. But the RPF was clearly responsible for another significant portion of the killings. In some instances, the RPF killings were, very likely, spontaneous retribution. In other cases, though, the RPF has been directly implicated in large-scale killings associated with refugee camps, as well as individual households. Large numbers of individuals died at roadblocks and in municipal centers, households, swamps and fields, many of them trying to make their way to borders. Perhaps the most shocking result of our combination of information on troop locations involved the invasion itself: The killings in the zone controlled by the FAR seemed to escalate as the RPF moved into the country and acquired more territory. When the RPF advanced, large-scale killings escalated. When the RPF stopped, large-scale killings largely decreased. The data revealed in our maps was consistent with FAR claims that it would have stopped much of the killing if the RPF had simply called a halt to its invasion. This conclusion runs counter to the Kagame administration's claims that the RPF continued its invasion to bring a halt to the killings. In terms of ethnicity, the short answer to the question, "Who died?" is, "We'll probably never know." By and large, the Hutu and the Tutsi are physically indistinct from one another. They share a common language. They have no identifiable accent. They have had significant levels of intermarriage through their histories, and they have lived in similar locations for the past several hundred years. In the 1920s and 1930s, the Belgians, in their role as occupying power, put together a national program to try to identify individuals' ethnic identity through phrenology, an abortive attempt to create an ethnicity scale based on measurable physical features such as height, nose width and weight, with the hope that colonial administrators would not have to rely on identity cards. One result of the Belgian efforts was to show — convincingly — that there is no observable difference on average between the typical Hutu Rwandan and the typical Tutsi Rwandan. Some clans — such as those of the current president, Paul Kagame, or the earlier Hutu president, Juvenal Habyarimana — do share distinctive physical traits. But the typical Rwandan shares a mix of such archetypal traits, making ethnic identity outside of local knowledge about an individual household's identity difficult if not impossible to ascertain — especially in mass graves containing no identifying information. (For example, Physicians for Human Rights exhumed a mass grave in western Rwanda and found the remains of more than 450 people, but only six identity cards. In court transcripts for multiple trials at the ICTR, witnesses described surviving the killings that took place around them by simply hiding among members of the opposite ethnic group. It is clear that in 1994, killers would have had a difficult time ascertaining the ethnic identity of their putative victims, unless they were targeting neighbors. Complicating matters is the displacement that accompanied the RPF invasion. During 1994, some 2 million Rwandan citizens became external refugees, 1 million to 2 million became internal refugees, and about 1 million eventually became victims of civil war and genocide. Ethnic identity in Rwanda is local knowledge, in much the same way that caste is local knowledge in India. With the majority of the population on the move, local knowledge and ethnic identity disappeared. This is not to say that the indigenous Tutsi were not sought out deliberately for extermination. But in their killing rampages, FAR, the Interahamwe and private citizens engaged in killing victims of both ethnic groups. And people from both ethnic groups were on the move, trying to stay out in front of the fighting as the RPF advanced. In the end, our best estimate of who died during the 1994 massacre was, really, an educated guess based on an estimate of the number of Tutsi in the country at the outset of the war and the number who survived the war. Using a simple method —subtracting the survivors from the number of Tutsi residents at the outset of the violence — we arrived at an estimated total of somewhere between 300,000 and 500,000 Tutsi victims. If we believe the estimate of close to 1 million total civilian deaths in the war and genocide, we are then left with between 500,000 and 700,000 Hutu deaths, and a best guess that the majority of victims were in fact Hutu, not Tutsi. This conclusion — which has drawn criticism from the Kagame regime and its supporters — is buttressed by the maps that we painstakingly constructed from the best available data and that show significant numbers of people killed in areas under control of the Tutsi-led RPF. One fact is now becoming increasingly well understood: During the genocide and civil war that took place in Rwanda in 1994, multiple processes of violence took place simultaneously. Clearly there was a genocidal campaign, directed to some degree by the Hutu government, resulting directly in the deaths of some 100,000 or more Tutsi. At the same time, a civil war raged — a war that began in 1990, if the focus is on only the most recent and intense violence, but had roots that extend all the way back to the 1950s. Clearly, there was also random, wanton violence associated with the breakdown of order during the civil war. There's also no question that large-scale retribution killings took place throughout the country — retribution killings by Hutu of Tutsi, and vice versa. From the beginning, the ICTR's investigation into the mass killings and crimes against humanity in Rwanda in 1994 has focused myopically on the culpability of Hutu leaders and other presumed participants. The Kagame administration has worked assiduously to prevent any investigation into RPF culpability for either mass killings or the random violence associated with the civil war. By raising the possibility that in addition to Hutu/FAR wrongdoing, the RPF was involved, either directly or indirectly, in many deaths, we became in effect persona non grata in Rwanda and at the ICTR. The most commonly invoked metaphor for the 1994 Rwandan violence is the Holocaust. Elsewhere, we have suggested that perhaps the English civil war, the Greek civil war, the Chinese civil war or the Russian civil war might be more apt comparisons because they all involved some combination of ethnic-based violence and the random slaughter and retribution that can occur when civil society breaks down altogether. Actually, though, it is difficult to make authoritative comparisons when it remains unclear exactly what happened in the Rwandan civil war and genocide. Contemporary observers — including Romeo Dallaire, the commander of the ineffective U.N. peacekeeping force for Rwanda in 1993 and 1994 — claim that much of the genocidal killing had been planned by the Hutu government as early as two years in advance of the actual RPF invasion. Unfortunately, we have not been able to gain access to the individuals who have information on that score to either corroborate or to refute the hypothesis. The reason? Convicted genocidaires who have been implicated in the planning of the slaughter now reside out of contact with potential interviewers in a U.N.-sponsored prison in Mali. We wanted to put questions to these planners, specifically to ask them what their goals were. Was the genocide plan an attempt at deterrence, an effort that the FAR leadership thought might keep the RPF at bay in Uganda and elsewhere? Did the FAR government actually hope for war, believing — incorrectly as it turned out — that it would win? Was the scale of the killing beyond its expectations? If so, why do FAR leaders believe events spun so badly out of control, compared to previous spasms of violence in the 1960s, '70s and '80s? Unfortunately, the U.N. prosecutors in Tanzania told us they could not arrange a meeting with the convicted planners and killers, but we were free to go to Mali on our own. We were told we would probably get in to see the prisoners, but the prison is in the middle of nowhere, in a country where we had no contacts. We had to let go. Even without access to convicted genocidaires, we continued to piece together what had happened in 1994 with the help of a grant from the National Science Foundation. The grant allowed us to be more ambitious in our pursuit of diverse informants who started popping up all over the globe, to refine our mapping and to explore alternative ways of generating estimates about what had taken place. While our understanding has advanced a great deal since our first days in Kigali, it is hard not to see irony in a current reality: Some of the most important information about what occurred in Rwanda in 1994 has been sent — by the very authorities responsible for investigating the violence and preventing its recurrence, in Rwanda and elsewhere — to an isolated prison, where it sits unexamined, like some artifact in the final scene of an Indiana Jones movie. About the Authors: Christian Davenport is a professor of peace studies, political science and sociology at the University of Notre Dame's Kroc Institute, as well as director of the Radical Information Project and Stop Our States. His primary research interests include political conflict (e.g., human rights violations, genocide/politicide, torture, political surveillance, civil war and social movements), measurement and racism. Davenport is the author of numerous books and articles. Allan C. Stam is a professor of political science at the University of Michigan. His work on war outcomes, durations and mediation has appeared in numerous political science journals. His books include Win, Lose, or Draw (UM Press, 1996), Democracies at War (Princeton Press, 2002) and The Behavioral Origins of War (UM Press, 2004). He is the recipient of the 2004 Karl Deutsch award, given annually by the International Studies Association to the scholar under the age of 40 who has made the greatest contribution to the study of international politics.

"Paul Kagame is a killer" (Dr Theogene Rudasingwa)

Interview-vérité (en anglais) du Docteur Theogene Rudasingwa, ancien Secrétaire général du Front Patriotique Rwandais, ancien Directeur de cabinet du président Paul Kagame, ancien Ambassadeur du Rwanda à Washington. L'ancien cadre tutsi du FPR confirme le rôle de l'armée de Paul Kagame dans les atrocités commises par ce dernier contre les populations hutu au Rwanda et en RDC. Ces crimes de masse ont fait l'objet du récent rapport  rendu public le 1/10/2010 par la Commission des Droits de l'homme des Nations Unies .

Cliquer ici pour écouter l'interview.

Amabanga y'inkotanyi atarashyizwe ahagaragara

NEWS FROM RWANDAN WIKILEAKS KIGALI-RWANDA GAHUNDA YO KWICA KAYUMBA
NYAMWASA MU BUHUNGIRO Nkuko nari na bibabwiye umugambi wo guhitana
gen.

Kayumba usa nkaho uburiyemo bongeyemo intege ndetse bagomba no gushaka
uko ba mutsinda mwi rwariro nibwo Ndahiro yahamagaye uwo bakoranye
gahunda wu mushoferi ndetse nabaicanyi we na Nziza kuko no muri
ryojoro nkuko nari na bibabwiye hari hateguwe igitaramo kubyishimo
nibwo noneho inzego zipereza zari zimaze kubona amakuru kuva kubantu
bamwe bo munzego zipereza zu rwanda bababwira uri muri gahanda ko ari
umushoferi ayo makuru akaba yaratazwe numwe mubasirikare bakuru bo mu
Ipereza ryu rwanda utari wishimiye icyo gikorwa nibwo hashoboye
gutahurwa Ndahilo avugana nu mushoferi ndetse nabicanyi.
Mumbabarire subire inyuma kubindi bikorwa byagiye bikorwa mu rwanda
nyuma yihunga rya Gen. Kayumba byagiye bikorwa ndetse naza gahunda
zagiye zikorwa ndaza kubakomereza gahunda yo gukomeza kubahiga uko
byifashe.

GAHUNDA 1.

Nuko icyambere nuko hakozwe ikusanya amakuru rihagije kuri Gen Kayumba
na Col karegeya kwegeranya amakuru kubantu bose bishuti zabo ndetse no
kureba ababo bakoresha baba mu Gisirikare ndetse no mubasivile ndetse
no kureba abitwako ari abarakare baba bari kuruhande bakaba
babiyegereza.

Ndetse no gukurikirana cyane abasirikare bavuyemo ndetse ababa ababari
no mubi turanyi byi bihugu cyane cyane ababa babarizwa Uganda,Burundi
ndetse nahandi ikindi no kumenya uko abahoze ari abarwanyi bo kwa
Nkunda nabamwe mubayobozi ba CNDP.

ABAMBERE.

Ubunyamabanga bwa FPR bufatanije ni Gisirikare habayemo guhamagara
bamwe mushuti za Gen Kayumba ndetse nabagiye ku mutabara ukaba wara
bigizemo uruhare ari Gen. Nziza abibazweho cyane ni Group yabacuruzi
yabaga Kenya ariko icyari kigamijwe byari ukubashyiraho itera bwoba
kugirango bakangike.

Bamwe kuruhande rwa FPR ni Gisirikare bari muri uwo mu bonano ni
Kabarebe,Nziza,Kayizari na Gasana umuyobozi wa Police ndetse na Musoni
Jamais,Tito Rutaremara,ndtse nabandi ntarondora hano kuruhande
rwabacuruzi hari.

Iyamuremye Uzzia ninawe wari utegerejwe cyane hamwe na Ntazinda ariwe
washinjaga bagenzibe Rumongi Rongine ndetse naba Nzabamwita Omari
hamwe na Nkubiri na Nyamundu Bola.
ntabwo byari inama byari ugushijwa nta kwisobanura bemezwa ko bari
inyuma ya Gen.

Kayumba ba Ntazinda barashinje ba Paul Muvunyi barashinja yewe
abagerageje kwisobanura bakukwa inabi bose bategekwa ko bagenda gusaba
imbazi kwandika inzandiko nibwo Nziza abasabyeko bose baza kuzindukira
kubunyamabanga bagafata izo nzandiko bagasinya bakazishyikiriza
umunyamabanga mukru wa FPR.


ICYA KABILI.

Icyo nicyo gisa nkaho cyari gikomeye hari ugufunga ibinyamakuru ndetse
no kumenesha bamwe muba nyamakuru ibyari byibazweho cyane byari
Umuseso nu Umuvugizi ndetse nu Umurabyo.

Nibwo abanyamakuru bu Umuseso bo berekezaga hanze cyane yigihugu byo
byari ukwanga ko ikinyamakuru cyabo gisohoka buri cyumweru cyo jyera
kwinjira kuko cyavugaga bintu biribyo kandi kigasa nkaho kibamenyesha
bimwe mubikorwa bya Leta biataboneye naho Umuvugizi abanyamakuru bayo
nabo bari bakiri mu Gihugu nibwo nabo bagambaniwe bara meneshwa bamwe
biza kubaviramo guhitanwa ni Nzegozipereza nku munyamakuru warashwe
usibye kuba Gen.

Kayumba ikindi ni inyandiko yerekanaga imyitwarire ya kera yu mufasha
wa Kagame akiba nayirobi aho banditseko ya curuzaga urukundo nibwo
byabihaye imbaraga bara mwirenza yirengejwe nabari boherejwe na Dan
Munyuza umuyobozi mushya wa DIM.

ICYA GATATU.

Hari ugukurikirana cyane abari ishuti za Gen. Kayumba na Col.

Karegeya abo mu muryango yabo bahafi ndetse nishuti ho icyari kiriho
si ugu kagwa cyagwa gufugwa byari uguhitanwa abeshi barashimuswe
baburira irangero abandi bararswa abandi bara hotorwa. Icyo nicyo gice
cyari gikomeye cyari gishizwe Nziza.

ICYA KANE Ikindi gice cyakane nicyabahoze muri CNDP ya Nkunda abo
bakaba bari bamaze gushijwa na Dan Munyuza werekanyeko afite amakuru
nkabantu babangamiye umutekano wigihugu ko ahubwo aribo bashobora
gutuma abatutsi bigumura nabahutu bakabonera bivuzeko kandi bafitanye
ubushuti na Kayumba na Karegeya nibwo ba Ntare Denis nu mumama witwa
emelita nabo bahise birezwa ndetse ko nabamwe mubasirikare bakuru ba
CNDP banze kuyoboka Ntaganda nabo bamwe barishwe abandi nkaba Makenga
babura aho babahera ariko mugihe cyavuba ushobora kumva babishe kuko
ahari abasirikare bu Rwnda barangije gucengera kugace abarizwamo
bakaba babarizwa muri Unite iba mu Bigogwe yaba Comando.

ICYAGATANU.

Ikindi gice cya gatanu cyarebaga uburyo aha kwiyegrezwa bamwe mu
bahutu ababa ku mugabane wu burayi ndetse na amerika cyane cyane
abakiga baza gisenyi na Ruhengeri nibwo habaye gahunda ya ba Inyumba
ikaba yara teguwe cane na Dr Ndahiro abifashijwemo nu rwegore rwa NSS
kandi bemererwako baza subizwa ibintu byabo ndetse akantu kibanga
karimo nuko nkabagurishirijwe imitungo yabo kugihe cya Kajeguhakwa
bazashumbushwa na amafaranga yavuyemo ndetse ni mpoza marira hakaba
hari nagahunda yo gucyura Kajeguhakwa nkuko biri akazemererwa
ubwisanzure ndetse no kuda kurikiranwa munzego zu butabera ariko
bikaba ari ubuhendabana kuko azaba ari ikarita bazakoresha yemezwa
ibyaha kugirango Leta nayo izabone uko yerekana ko abo abahutu aribo
batsinze ko imitungo yabo yagurishijwe biatanyuze munzira zanyazo
ikindi nuko imishyikirano yo gutaha kwa Kajeguhakwa ubu igeze mugice
cyanyuma niba nta gihindutse muzibukeko naba meneye akabanga ni mubona
yi njijwe 1930.

Ninaho mwabonyeko hacyuwe abitwa ba Eugene Mbarushimana wahoze ari
umunyamabanga wi Nterahamwe akaba ana tunze umukobwa wa Kabuga nawe
yemerewe imirimo kuko impamvu abarimo kwibanda kuri abo bahutu nayo
ndaza kuzibagezaho mubice biri bukurikire iyi Nyandiko.

IGICE CYA GATANDATU.

Igice cya gatandatu nabantu bitwako bahoze mubuyobozi bwa FPR ndetse
no mu muryango kandi byitwako basezeye ndtse nabarimo ariko abo
abakaba ari ikibazo gikomeye kuko abeshi bashijwako bari inyuba ya RNC
yaba Kayumba na Rudasigwa na bagenzi babo nubwo bamwe bakiri muri FPR
ariko ntibizewe nagato nkubu bara kurikinwa umunsi kuwundi hamwe
nibikorwa byabo ndetse no mumago yabo hagurwa abakozi nabandi abantu
baba hafi.
nkingero zabo twabaha hari.

Mazimpaka Patrick Rwmasirabo Emile Ngoga Pascal Bihozagara Jacke
Umuherwe Rujugiro Tribele Karyabwite Aimable.

Ariko urutonde ni rurerure cyane vuba ndabaha amazina yose ndetse naho
babarizwa ubu nuburyo ba kurikiranyweho ikindi nzabafasha nzabaha
amazina yabanetsi ba Leta babihemberwa NB icyo nababwita kuri bariya
maze kuba bwira harimo abafatwa ubu nka Gen. Kayumba na Col.

Karegeya na gahima ndetse na Major Rudasigwa abo ni Ngoga Pascal
ndetse na Rujugiro bo ni abanzi ndetse nka Rujugiro we ubu yashyizweho
abagomba ku muhitana ndetse na kayabo karatazwe ndetse nabamwe mubana
be nzaba amakuru ahagije vuva.




(Fuite No6) DOCUMENTS DE PREUVES Z'UBUSAHUZI BWA RPF ( voir 3 fichiers
en attaché ).



".

Ayo mazu nandi ni meshi cyane ajyera kuri 50 yose yaguzwe na Hatari
nawe ahita azigurisha iyi Campany Collina afata nije na Byusa nayo
niyo nyiri ziriyanzu Embassy zu rwanda zikoreramo ya UK ikindi wareba
nkubu Adress ya Collina niyo ya Embassy yu rwanda " (Fuite No5) IHUNGA
RYA GEN KAYUMBA NYAMWASA.


Mukomere
Kubirebana nibyo nabemereye nabyo reka mbibagezeho nababwiye ko
nzababwira kuva Gen. Kayumba yafata ikemezo cyo guhunga nuburyo inzego
zipereza nazo zarushijeho kongera ubukana bwo kubahiga we na Col.
Karegeya hamwe na manama yagiye aba yose ndaba nyurimo uko biteye
byose.

Ubwo Gen.

Kayumba ya pfushaga umunyeyi we nibwo yagarutse aje ku mushyingura
noneho habaho nanano nkuko bisazwe iyo aje mu rwanda gukorerwa
igenzurwa rihagije rikaba ryari rishizwe bagenzi bacu bo muri DIM
aribo Major Karagwa haba aho agiyehose ndetse baba musuye nibwo
imihango yo gushyingura umubyeyiwe yabaga yita birwa kuburyo budasazwe
noneho nabamwe mubasirikare bari bagiyeyo bamwe bagarurirwa mu nzira
ndetse abandi bahamagarwa bagezeyo nuko hakorwa urutonde rwabagiyeyo
nibwo nyuma yi minsi mike yo gukura ikiriyo abantu batangiye kujya
bafugwa uwo twavuga wafuzwe nuwitwa Karake hayoboraga ikigo Hida akaba
urupapuro rwafuzwe rwarandikiwe muri serivce za Police Gikondo
ahazwi(kwa gacinya) zoherezwa ku kicukiro rwanditswe na Murangira
nibwo yafashwe yandikwaho ko azira icyaha cyo guhungabanya umutekano
nibwo Nziza yakoze rapolo yifashije Major Karagwa avuga ko Kayumba
yongeye kubyutsa umutwe bidasubirwaho ko yakoresheje amana mubantu
bingeri zose haba mubacuruzi ndetse nabaturage bo mumutara yitwaza
nuburakari bafite kubera isaranganya rya amasambu avugako afite
namakuru ahagijeko hariho ibiganiro byishi yagiye agirana na Gen.

Tinyefunza wibugande ndetseko afite nandi makuru ko asohoka bihagije
mu gihugu cyubuhindeko ikiza babona aruko ba mufunga ubwo kagame
ntabwo yazuyaje yumviseko aribyo nibwo hateguwe gahunda yibigomba
guherekeza uwo muhango wo gufunga kayumba nibwo uwitwa Ntazinda nawe
yari amaze iminsi avuye mu Buhinde kuri mission ya Nziza kureba umwe
mubakozi ba Embassy yurwanda witwa Ngoga ubu ubarizwa muri Canada
amushyiriye akayabo kamafaranga ko gushaka abandi bantu bagomba
kuzatanga ubuhamya kumanama yitwa ko yakoreshejwe na Gen.

Kayumba ndetse no gusaba Ngoga kuzakora Rapolo ihuza niya Nziza
akazayishyikira uwitwa Franco wo muri NSS kuko niwe ushizwe kumenya
abashizwe iperereza muri Embassy ndetse ubwo biba bihuriranye nu
mwiryane wari watangiye hagati ya Franco yari yagiranye na Nzaba mwita
Nziza amwizezako aza mufasha kumuvugira ibukuru akaza musimbura nibwo
byose buhuriye kwa kagame nibwo kagame bakiva mu mushyikirano
yahamagaye Nziza na Ndahiro hamwe na Kabarebe ko bagomba kurangiza
ikibazo cya Gen. Kayumba.

Nibwo hariho ubufatanye bwabantu bakorana na DIM babarizwa muri FDRL
bakaba abashizwe Rwarakabije cyane cyane abegereye Mudacumura nibwo
bakoreshejwe gutera za Grenade bafashijwe nabamwe mubakozi bi Pereza
ariko ibyo byari icyaha cyo kuzasiga Ingabire.

Ubwo haba ahabayeho kuwa Kabiri niba nibuka neza umubonanano wa
Kayumba nabamwe mubambari ba FPR bo muryango kubunyamabanga bwa FPR
nibwo habaye kwereka kayumba ibyaha aregwa akaba yabisabira imabazi
ariko icyari kigamijwe nuko iyo Nyandiko yo gusaba imbazi zibyobyaha
byose ariyo yari gukoreshwa mu ku mushinja ariko hagati aho Gen.

Kayumba yari yarangije kubona amakuru ahagije yibihishe uwo mugambi
wose kuko yagiye kubunyamabanga yarangije gutegura inzira iza mufasha
mu Buhungiro ndetse nabamwe mubari bagiye aho kubu Nyamabanga bamwe
ntabwo ba byemeraga bamwe bari barangije ku mubwira nawe abagusha neza
ababwirako azabonana nabo bukeye bwaho ko agiye kwandika iyo Nyandiko
nibwo Nziza yahise atanga rapolo kwa kagame we na Musoni bizeza kagame
ko nta kibazo ariko hagati aho bashakaga nahantu ba mufungira nibwo
Gen. Kayumba yashoboye Guca murihumye abari bashizwe ku mugenzura nuko
Gen. Kayumba ubwe niwe uzi ibanga yakoresheje yarinze agera SA
batarasobanukirwa
nabusa.

Ubwo Kayumba yagenda nibuka ko byari kuwakane inkuru yatangiye ku
menyekana ku wagatanu nka 16h nibwo abambere babimenye noneho Leta
nayo ibimenya nka 18h nibwo Kabarebe yahise ashimura itangazo ryo
kuvuga ijyenda rya Kayumba ndetse arishyikiriza Mushikiwabo yaritanze
kuri Radion na TV hatangira gahunda yo kureba uko bamwa Leta ya
Uganda.

Ku cyumweru nibwo habayeho Inama yahuje Mugambage na Ndahiro ndetse na
Mushiki wabo bahurira kuri Hotel Novoteri nibwo ku munsi wo kuwa mbere
nibwo bagiye kureba Leta ya Uganda nayo iba bwirako itazi ibya Kayumba
ndetse ko ntawe ukirwagwa ku butaka bwaho ariko Kayumba yari yarangije
kugera Afrika yo hepfo.

Nibwo akijyera hariya hapanzwe gahunda yo kureba ukuntu ba kwirenza
Kayumba ndetse na Karegeya byihuse vuba nibwo hatangiye gushakirwa
uburyo bwose.

Ubutaha ndabagezaho uko imigambi yo kubahitana mu Buhungiro nukuntu
bishorwamo akayabo.



(Fuite No4) RPF MU BUCURUZI NO KWIKUBIRA UMUTUNGO W'IGIHUGU

".

Ubu ndabagezaho bimwe mu byakozwe no kwi kubira umutungo wigihugu
byitwa ibya FPR ndetse bikaba ibyishi bibarizwa mu mufuko wa Kagame
ndetse ni ngero nazimwe mu mitungo ya kagame nkamazu agenda agura
hirya nohino kwisi nibyo bagenda bandika ku bantu bakoresha ari uburyo
bwo ku jijisha.

Icyambere naba bwira nuko hajeho ikitwa Tristar kikaba ari Group
yibigo byu bucuruzi bwa FPR.

Imiterere yayo uko igomba ku mera igomba no kuyoborwa nu muntu wu
mwizerwa kandi wavuye Bugande cyane cyane ubarizwa mu byo nababbwiye
byitwa Impunzi umuyobozi wabo biba byiza iyo afitanye amasano hafi na
Kagame uwo nababwira ni nka Rugangazi Ben ikindi kandi hakaba inama yu
butegetsi ariko iyo iba ari ukujijisha ikaba igizwe nabamwe bava muri
FPR ariko babizerwa mbese bari mu kazu indani baba bahawe umugisha na
Kagame.

Hakaza nubundi bucuruzi bwa Kagame bukorwa nu witwa hatari Sekoko
akaba afite Campany Nyishi zaba izibarizwa mu Rwanda cyagwa mu Mahanga
zikaba ubusazwe ari iza Kagame hatari akaba nkuko ba byita ari
Umushumba uragiye inka zitarize.

Hakaza nubundi bucuruzi bukorwa nu mufasha wa Kagame bukaba ari
ububonekamo Musazawe witwa Richard Murefu ahanini bushingiye
kubucuruzi bwibikomoka kuri Peteroli ndetse nubundi bucuruzi bukorwa
na Mbundu Umuhungu wa Kananura cyane cyane nka Campany itanga
ibyangobwa indangamuntu ndetse naza Passport,no gukora amafaranga undi
muntu uboneka mubucuruzi no gukorana na Jaenette Kagame ni Gatera
Egide mu bucuruzi bwi icyayi aho yeguriwe imirima yicyayi hamwe
ninganda hafi 80% undi uboneka nu witwa kayiranga Bertard bakunze
kwita Kiki,hamwe na Mugisha umwubatsi mukuru mu Rwanda.

Uko ubwo bucuruzi buteye ndetse niryo sahuranwa ndahera kubya Kagame
na Tristar ye ndetse na Hatari Sekoko.

Nkubu Tristar amafaranga yayo yose amanywa umubare na kagame niwe
uvuga aya naya najye ahandi ajye gukora ibingibi ikindi kuberako
bamaze kubonako abantu beshi bata kiyishimiye ndetse bata nayikunze
ubungubu umutungo wabo ba wimuriye cyane muri za Bank za Chine ndetse
Afrika yo hepfo no mugihugu cya Ghana ubu niho za Compote zabo zi
muriwe zivanwa ku mugabane wu burayi ndetse na USA kuko nta mutekano
amafaranga yabo yari afite usanga inyishi zigiye zanditse kuri za
Campany zanditseho Hatali nabandi bantu Kagame aba ya muhaye.

Nkurugero nka Campany yitwa CARINA yandikishije mu UK abanyamigabane
ni Hatari sekoko na Byusa umuhungu wa mushiki wa Kagame iyo Campany
niyo nyirinzu Embessy yu Rwanda ikoreramo mugihugu cyu Bwongereza
ikaba inafite nandi mazu abarizwa mugihugu cya Dubai ajyera kuri 20
nayo ameshi yanditse kuri hatari nawe nyuma akazigurisha iyo Campany
afata nije na Byusa Ikindi ni nyubako ziri mumujyi wa Kigali ahahoze
Gare nikicaro cya Police ku muhima ndetse nahahoze Jali byo sirirwa
mbigarukaho kuko birazwi hose byagiye binagaruka mwitangaza makuru.

Ubundi bucuruzi bukorwa na kagame ni aho Campany ariyo ifite Contran
kujyana abasirikare Darfur no kuba kurayo akaba avanamo akayabo
gahagije naho ubwo ni ubundi bucuruzi bwihishe akora.

Ikindi usanga nkibintu byishi byari ibya Leta byegurirwa Tristar
ndetse nabamwe mu bambari ba Kagame nuko nyuma ugasanga bara
bihombesheje ukongera kubona bara bigurishije nki kigo kikagurishwa
ishuro zirenze ebyiri nka Rwandatel.

Kubirebana nubucuruzi bwu mufasha wa kagame nkubu isoko ryose rya
Minisiteri yingabo ryibikoreshwa na Petrole ryeguriwe Richard Murefu
musazawe bishyizwemo ingufu na Gen.

Nziza hakaba aharindi soko ryo kuvugurura ikigo cya Gako nabwo
ryeguriwe Mugisha nuko akaza kubona inyongera ingana na Miriyari imwe
ya manyarwanda akaba ariyo yarangije kubaka inyubako za amazu
Nyirabukwe wa kagame nabandi bavandimwe be bi mukiyemo zibarizwa
Nyarutarama.

Hakaza ubucuruzi bukorwa na Gatera Egide bwi Icyayi aho ikigera kuri
80% bwose ari ubwabo aho yagiye yegurirwa zimwe munganda no mu byayi
nta piganwa ribaye ndetse nahabaye ipiganwa rikaba irya nyirarureshwa.

Nkisoko ryo guora amafaranga bihabwa Campany yu mufasha wigihugu
bihagarariwe na Mbundi ikaba ari nayo ifite isoko ryo gukora
indangamuntu isoko ryo impushya zo gutwara abantu ndetse na Passeport.
iryo soko rikaba ryara tazwe nta piganwa ribayeho bakaba na leta
ikodesha ibyuma bifotora kuri buri murenge wose wo mu rwanda.

Ubundi busahuzi bukorwa na kagame hamwe nu muryangowe ndetse nabambari
bayo nkubu hari amasoko yagiye atagwa mu kigo cya ORTPN nko kwiga
imitererere yishyamba rya Nyugwe hakandikwa nkamafaranga agera nko
kuri miriyoni imwe ya $ ugasanga agiye mu mufuko wabambari bingoma
hakaba nibindi bitwara amafaranga babinyujije nko mu mishinga ya
IMBUTO FONDATION nko kugura imiti igabanya ubukana bwa Sida ugasanga
amafaranga agenewe za Marariya nibindi anyuzwa mu Mbuto iyoborwa nu
mufasha wa Kagame muzabaze ikirukanye umuzungukazi wakoraga muri PSI.

Ubutaha ndabagezaho abahamwe amafaranga na akazu bayakoresha urutonde
rwabo ndetse nubundi bucuruzi bwimbitse ndetse nazimwe munyandiko
zigaragaza iyo mitungo maze mwene Nduhungirehe wigize idebe yabo
tuzarebe azanabaze shebuja Gasana eugene aho ikitwa ARITEL cyarengeye
naho akayabo kavuyemo imifuka karengeyemo. " Rwandan WikiLeaks.




(Fuite No3) IGICE CYA KABILI: INTAMBARA YA KAGAME NA KAYUMBA YATANGIYE ITE ??

". Nkuko na bi kubwiye nuko gen.

Kayumba yenda kurangiza amasomo mu gihugu cyu bwongereza nibwo
hafashwe gahunda yo ku muvana ku buyobozi bwingabo kandi ko Kagame
yari amaze kubona amakuru ko Kayumba arimo gusezera mu Gisirikare
nibwo nawe ubwe abi mumenyesha akiri iriya nuko Kagame ara muhakanira
amusaba ko wenda ya mufasha kuba aretse bakabanza kuva mubihe bya
Amatora nibwo byoroheye kagame ku musimbuza Kabarebe nibwo Kayumba
yagiye muri NSS asimbura Gatsinzi.

Nibwo Karegeya yahawe Mission yo kumenya ibyo Kayumba arimo nibyo ba
mureaga ko ashaka guhirika ubutegetsi niba bifite ishingiro ariko Col.

Karegeya we ntamenye ko ari gahunda za Kagame barakorana muri NSS
hamwe nabandi barimo umugabo wa Inyumba ndetse nabizimana wahoze ari
Ambassaderi Hollande ariko icyabaje Kagame kurushaho nuko Kayumba na
Karegeya nabagenzibe bose bashoboye gukora akazi keza ategereza ko
habiba amaca kubiri yifashije Ndahilo ariko bira nanirana nibwo Nziza
yatangiye kujya ananiza NSS kuko yari umuyobozi wa DIM nkigihe kimwe
hafugwaga abadamu bari ba Soma Mbike(Maneko) za karegeya bitwa
Nyampundu Bola hamwe Hidaya Coco bafugwa na nziza na DIM nibwo Col.

Karegeya nawe yasabyeko yaba afashe ikiruhuko nabwo kagame ara
mwangira ndetse no muri uwo mubonanno wabereye kuri Muhazi hari
Karegeya na Ndahilo,Nziza na Masozera karegeya yasabwe kwerekana
imikorere ya Kayumba nkuko bivugwako kayumba ananiza inzego za Leta
Col.

Karegeya niwe washoboye gutinyuka kubwiza ukuri Kagame amubwirako
Kayumba ibyo ba muvugaho byose ari amafuti kandi ari uguharabika
yerekana ni mpungenge zirimo gukomeza guteza umwuka mubi mu
banyarwanda ndetse ko nibyishi ari amazimwe.

Nibwo Col.

Karegeya nawe batangiye ku mugerera mugatebo kamwe na Kayumba nibwo
Col karegeya nawe atangiye kuregwa ibyaha bimwe ko we na Kayumba
bafite umugambi umwe nibwo nziza na Ndahilo batangiye kubashakira
ibyaha hamwe nibwo yajyaga ajya Ku musura Kimihurura aho yara tuye
bikavugwako bari mu manama nibwo bifashe indintera biba bigezemo
abitwa ba Pascal Ngoga ko nabo bari mugikundi cyanze kuva kuri Gen.

Kayumba abatangirwa kuregwa ibyaha bitabaho nibwo abitwa ba Sam Nkusi
nabo bashatse kwihagararaho nabo inkubi iba ibagezeho nibwo intambara
ifashe indi ntera yo kwigabanyamo ibice abantu bavuye Uganda.

Cyane cyane mu gisirikare hazamo igice cyabantu babaye mu Nkambi aribo
bitwa Impunzi bahanganye nabandi bitwa aba Konyine ari abantu
batijyeze bahunga ngo bababe mu Nkambi bari batunze batigeze bagira
ubuzima bubi bwo mu Nkambi nibwo abitwa aba Tolo aribo Kagame avamo
ndetse nizindi Nkambi za Nyakivala ndetse Cyakwali bagiye kuntebe
nibwo abakonyine beshi bari mu gisirikare batangiwe gusezererwa abandi
bavanwa mu myanya barimo nibwo na Musoni ahawe Mission na Kagame
gushyira mu myanaya abantu bavuye Uganda cyane cyane impunzi nuko
ikitwa ubushobozi gishyirwa kuruhande amaranga mutima nicyene wabo
bahabwa imyanya.

Ubwo habaho gahunda yo gusenya ubufatanye bwa Kayumba na Karegeya
ndetse nabandi bitwako abasha mikiyeho nibwo hatangiye gahunda yo
kubasenyera hamwe ikaba yarakozwe cyane nu mufasha wa Kagame
abifashijwemo na Nziza ndetse na Ndahiro nibwo bahinduriwe imirimo
nuko NSS ibaho nta muyobozi wasimbura kayumba ariko yayoborwaga na
Ndahilo wari wasimbuye Col karegeya nuko Karegeya yi murirwa muri
Office za kabarebe nibwo ariko yagiye asabwa gukomeza gukora akazike
ko kuneka yoherezwa muri mission rimwe nariwe ntajyeyo akanga
akavugako akazi atari ake keshi cyane yagiye ahamagarwa na Kagame
aundi akanga kwitaba yajya ajya no muri Mission akajya yigira mubye cg
akajya aho atatumwe nibwo na Kayumba yatinze kujya mu Buhinde ariko
nabwo bikavuhwako nawe yari yanze nibwo habayeho ibisa nki
mishyikirano nuko kayumba arajyenda ariko asaba Kagame kureka ishutize
ko nta kibazo bafitanye ko ikibazo ariwe bagigitanye ninama yabereye
mu Rugwiro yabamo guterana amagambo cyane nibwo kayumba afashe ikemezo
cyo kubisa kagame avugako wenda bizashira.

Icya kurikiyeho habayeho ko Col.

Karegeya utararipfanaga ariwe wagombaga gukurikiraho ku muca intege
nibwo ya fuzwe igihe kijyera ku mezi atandatu afungirwa ku musozi wa
jali ntawe umusura ndetse nta nuwo mu muryangowe umuca iryera nuko
nyuma zimwe mushutize zaba nyamahanga ziza koko igitutu Kagame nibwo
kagame yafashe icyemezo cyo ku mufungura ariko mbere yo gufungurwa
hayeho umubonana Col karegeya na Kabarebe ndetse na Kagame watangiye
nko mugihe cya saa kumine byiri mur Rugwiro nibwo kagame ya bwiye Col
Karegeya ngo amwe mu makosa iryambere ya mureze ngo nuko yavuzeko
kagame ategekwa nu mugore nuko karegeya igisubizo ya muhaye ATI KAGIRE
INKURU nibwo habayeho guterana amagambo kandi no kugaragaza ko
karegeya atinyutse Kagame cyane bikabije nibwo Kabarebe yavuze ati
Karegeya ashobore kuba yara canga nyikiwe nibwo karegeya ya musubije
nabi cyane ati Niwowe wacanganyikiwe jyewe ndi muzima nzibyo mvuga.

Nibwo nyuma yiminsi ibiri yu wo mubanano hari urwego rumwe rwi
perereza ryohanze yu rwanda rwa kimwe mubihugu byafashaga urwanda
rwashyizeho igitutu Kagame ngo arekure Karegeya Nyuma yiminsi igera
kuri itatu nibwo Karegeya ya rekuwe ariko ashyirwaho igenzura rikomeye
haba kuri itumanaho kuba mugendagaho ndetse no kushutize zahafi
nabamwe mu muryangowe ariko byose biza gusanga ari ipfabusa kuko
amakuru yose yayabonaga yabaga afite aba aya mugezaho umunsi ku munsi
hari nikintu cya menyekanye nyuma ko akeshi ariwe watangaga ibyo ba
muvuga.

Nibwo nyuma yigihe afunguwe yasabye ko yavanwa mu gisirikare ata
kifuza kugikora ndetse na kazi kose kareta kuko adashoboye amatiku
yabamwe mubayobozi nibwo kandi yakomej kwerekana ubushuti nabamwe
mubayobozi bigihugu cya abaturanyi ba uganda ba mugendereraga ndetse
nabamwe mubo yasuraga baje nko mugihugu cyu rwanda babonanaira ku ma
hotel haza kuvamo ngo ko yerekanaga urugwiro rwishi kwishimana nabo.

Bivugwako kandi yakomeje nanone kujya avugana na Kayumba nabyo biba
ikibazo nibwo Nziza yo ngeye gutanga rapolo avugako abantu ba kayumba
banze ku muvaho cyane cyane aba Nyamutara ndetse namwe mubacuruzi
yerekana ni mpungenge karegeya ateye muba Nyarwanda ko adatinya kuvuga
no kugaragaza amakosa ndetse yongeraho ko ana tinyura abantu.

Biba bikubitanye nuko col karegeya yari yagiye kwa kabarebe avuga ko
ashaka kuva mu gisirikare ndetse ni mirimo ya Leta nibwo hakoreshejwe
inama ivugako agomba gufugwa byanze bikunzeko uta mureka ngo age
hanze.

Nibwo Col.

Karegeya yongeye gufugwa igihe kingana ni myaka ibiri nibwo uburoko ya
bukoze ariko bumvaga ko nazavamo azaba yaravuye kwizima nibwo nawe
mugihe gito atigeze abaha umwanya yashoboye kubaca mumyanya yi ntoki
kuko nawe yari amaze guhabwa amakuru numwe mubayobozi bakuru
bigisiriakre ko yashakaga kongera gufugwa kuko mugufungurwa habayeho
guterana amagambo na Kayonga ndetse nabdi barimo muhire ndetse na
kabarebe ubwo Kayonga yatangiraga ku mubwira ati urabona ufunguwe
twizereko ukuyemo isomo nibwo undi ya musubizaga ati igifungo nkoze
niwowe wari ukwiye ku kijyamo kuko ariwowe mujura winka.
habaho guterana namagambo we nawe nibwo nyuma yiminsi mike Karegeya
ayashoboye kujyenda nabwo abaimenya aruko nabwo abatumyeho.
Ubutaha nzabagezaho uko ubu inzego zipereza zibahiga aho bari mu
buhungiro ndetse nukuntu gen. Nziza yafashe kungufu umuzungukazi wari
uhagarariye CIA mu rwanda ndetse nubuhamya bwuwo muzungukazi. "
Rwandan WikiLeaks.






(Fuite No2) IGICE CYA MBERE: INTAMBARA YA KAGAME NA KAYUMBA YATANGIYE ITE ??


". Ubu ndashaka kuguha intangiriro z'ikibazo cya Generali Kayumba
yagiranye na Kagame nuko cyafashe intera kikageramo na Col Karegeya
ndetse naho bijyeze ubungubu.

Nkuko bizwi cyane Gen kayumba yari umwizerwa kwa Kagame cyane kuko
yara mufashije ubwo nyuma yurupfu rwa Rwigema muri 1990 intambara yu
kwakira ubwo yatangiraga nibwo habayeho Impfu zitunguranye zari
izabayobozi ba FPR ndetse ubwo hakurikiraho uburyo hashakwa undi
muyobozi wayobora FPR ariko hagati ahongaho Museveni yifujeko Kagame
ariwe wasimbura Rwigema ariko abandi basirikare bari abayobozi ndetse
no mwishyaka ntabwo babikozwaga kuko nubundi kagame yari yari
yaroherejwe muri USA nko ku muhungisha abandi ba nya muryango ba FPR
bata mwifuzaga nuko abayobozi ba FPR bamwe mubenshi bamaze kwitaba
Imana muburyo budasobanutse neza nibwo Kagame ya tumijwe muri USA.

Nibwo yagejejwe kurugamba bahamagaza inama yabayobozi bose yabereye
Mbarara aho Salim Saleh afite farm yororeramo hari abayobozi benshi
mugisirikare cya FPR nabamwe mu basivile barimo icyogihe bavugaga
rikijyana nka Karimba Haruna mukuru wa Hatari Sekoko ucunga umutungo
wa Kagame nabandi.

Icyo gihe byari byamaze kugaragara ko abasirikare hafi yabose
batashakaga Kagame nk'umuyobozi wabo nibwo murumuna wa Museveni Salim
Saleh yabasabye kubemerera aranahaguruka amuha isaruti yerekana
icyubahiro amuhaye nibwo byemejweko abaye umuyobozi wa FPR ariko
kagame icyo gihe ntabwo yakundaga kuba ku rugamba kubera kutizera
umutekano we nkuko byagaragazwaga no kutishimirwa yabaga cyane Mbarara
niho yakoreraga ubwo buyobozi nkuko Kayumba yari ashizwe ishami ryari
rishizwe ubutasi DIM nibwo yagiye ashobora kumukiza imitego myishi
hari nkaho abayobozi bamwe bigisikare bajyaga bata Kagame hafi
y'imirwano rimwe yari agiye gufatwa n'ingabo za Habyarimana akizwa na
kayumba aho bitaga Nkana ariko nibwo kagame yagiye arushaho ku
mugirira ikizere ntawundi muntu yumvaga icyo gihe kandi nikindi gice
cy'abasirikare cyari kigizwe naba Kayitare cyumvaga Kayumba cyane
arushaho kuba umuhuza ariko kagame akajyenda abona aho ibihe bigeze
nibwo yatangiye kujya yirenza abashoboraga ku muveba ku makosa yajyaga
akora nibwo nabibutsa nk'impfu z'abantu zagiye zitunguranye.

Nkurupfu rwa Sam Byaruhanga warashwe numusirikare ubu abarizwa Kigali
ukorera Nyabugogo kuri gare wakoreshejwe na Kagame kumwirenza kuko
Byaruhanga ayari umusirikare mwiza ndetse wakundwaga.

Nkurupfu rwa Kayitare nawe warozwe n'itsinda rimwe ry'abaganga nawe
kuko ntabwo yavebanaga Ijambo nawe yirengejwe na Kagame ariko
bitangira kuzana ikibazo nibwo ba Kayumba naba Ndugute bamugiriye
inama yo kureka ubwo bwicanyi kuko burimo kutesha ikizere mubo ayobora
nibwo Kagame yabaye nkurekeyeho imigambi ariko nyuma aza gukomeza aho
Kigali ifatiwe habayeho gahunda yo kwirenza bamwe mubasirikare bari
bakomeye ndetse bari n'abarwanyi ninabwo hatangiye gahunda yo kuzamura
abatarigeze bagaragara kurugamba.

Twababwira nkurupfu rwa Ngoga warozwe bifashije uwitwa Dan Gapfizi na
Ndugute warwaye kuburozi yari yahawe habuzwa inzego zose za Gisirikare
kuvuzwa.

Nkuko natangiye mbibamenyesha ubwo muri 1994 Leta imaze gufatwa nibwo
urebye ibibazo bya Kayumba na Kagame byatangiye cyane kagame ashaka
guhita aba umuyobozi nibwo kayumba yamugiriye inama bari i Musha
kayumba we yabaga Masaka amusabako atakwihutira gutegeka ko yareka
abasivile bakitoramo umuyobozi ko aribwo byaba byiza ariko hagati aho
Kayumba azagushaka Tito Rutaremara amusabako yatanga nkumukandida
munama yabereye Kanombe mu kigo ko yatanga nku mukandinda Bizimungu ko
kandi aza gushyigikirwa ni Gisirikare nkumuntu wari umuhutu wayobotse
FPR kandi wagiye mu mishyikirano kandi uzashobora kumva nandi mashyaka
yari asigaye mu rwanda nibwo Bizimungu yemejwe ariko Kagame
ntibyamushimisha nibwo ariko bakomeje kubana ariko atamwizeye cyane
nibwo Kayumba yavuye muri DIM agirwa umuyobozi wungirije wa
Gendarumori yungirije Ndibwami asimburwa na Karenzi Karake kubuyobozi
bwa DIM ninabwo hatangiye intambara yubutita ya Kayumba na Kagame
ihemberewe na Kagame kugirango ashobore kujya yirirwa abaryanisha
ashobore kujya abajyenzurango bimwemereye nibwo haje igice kigizwe ngo
naba Kayumba naba Karenzi haba muba Sivile babanyamuryango ba FPR
ariko hagati aho Kayumba azakugirwa umukuru wingabo ndabyibuka Kagame
yamushimaga igihe cyose ariko hagati aho haza kuzakubaho ubundi
bwumvikane buke kugurwa kwibikoresho bya Gisirikare bwarimo Indege za
Kajugujugu za guzwe na Kagame ahagarariwe na Ndahilo hamwe nu
mufashawe Jeannette nibwo ndahiro yatse inyoroshyo uwitwa kato wa
Uganda amafaranga angana 50,000$ nibwo hariho intamabara yabacengezi
nibwo kayumba yagaragarije Kagame ubuswa bwabayemo bwo kugura ibyo
bikoresho yerekana nuko atabyemera birakaza Kagame cyane ariko ashaka
no kumukuraho ariko abonako igisirikare kimukunze cyane abura aho
ahera.

Ikindi cyagaragaye nkikimenyetso cyo kutumvikana na kagame na Kayumba
naho Kagame yategetse kayonga nabandi bagenzi be gushimuta inka
zabagogwe anibwo kayumba yakuye kayonga kubuyobozi bwa Unite yitwaga
Bravo yabaga muri kariya gace ka Gishwati nibwo hatangiye iperereza ku
ishimutwa ryinka bifata kayonga ariko hagati aho Kagame
amuhungishiriza mugihugu cya USA kwiga kayumba aza gusaba Leta ko
igisirikare cyariha inka zashimuswe icyo bibaza Kagame cyane nabwo
bishirira ahongaho.

Undi mwumvikano wabayeho ni murwego Gen Kayumba yazanye gahunda yo
kujya batanga amapeti bakurikije ubushobozi bwu muntu ariko ubwo nabyo
bibonwa ko Gen.

Kayumba atangiye ngo gukora igisirikare cye ariko ikindi gisekeje
mubantu yirirwa arega yazamuye muntera harimo Ibingira hakaza Dany
Munyuza hakazamo abo mwumva bitwa ba Siza Kayizali nabandi beshi nta
narimwe muzigera mwumva bakora urutonde rwabo yazamuye muntera bata
bigomba.

Ikindi bapfuye cyane nahabereye inama ya FPR ku kicukiro ariho havuye
ishwana rya Nkongoli na Kagame ndetse nishwana rya Mazimpaka na kagame
na Kanyaregwe ubwo Gen.

Kayumba yamugiraga inama yuko yareka abasivile bakayobora ishyaka nawe
akaguma kubuyobozi bundi akanabafasha kuba mu gisirikare ubwo kagame
yabifashe nkindi ntwaro yindi ngo Gen.

Kayumba ashaka gukoresha nibwo Kagame yasabye Inyumba ku mushakira aba
Kada begereye Patrick Mazimpaka ndetse na Bizimungu bakaba kurikirana
hafi ndetse bagashaka nabamwe bajya bakoreshwa kugenzura inama zibera
mu muryango nibwo ubona aba ba Musoni James bavutse bakagaragara kuko
Musoni yakoraga muri minisiteri yurubyiruko yimurirwa Kubunyamabanga
bwa FPR abifashijwemo na Patrick Mazimpaka nibwo Musoni yahawe Mission
na Inyumba yo kuneka abantu baba mu bunyamabanga sukubabeshyera
karahava azamurwa muntera ubwo yahagarariraga Kagame mubunyamabanga
bwa FPR.

Igihe cyo kwirenza Bizimungu nibwo Gen.

Kayumba yerekanye uruhande ahagazeho abwira Kagame ko ata kwihutira
gufata uriya mwanya ko kandi bizana amacakubiri agaragara mu muryango
wa FPR nibwo kagame yanze kuva kwizima yewe bishaka ko bizimungu
yahimbirwa icyaha agafugwa byihuse vuba nibwo Gen.

Kayumba ndetse nabandi bamwe mubasivile ba FPR bahagurutse batangira
Kagame kumubuza nibwo bari batangiye gukoresha abitwa ba karinamaryo
wari umuyobozi wa Komine Kanombe ubu abarizwa mu mubunyamabanga bwa
FPR.

Nibwo kagame yatangiye kwerura abifashijwemo numufashawe kuvugako Gen.

Kayumba ari umwanzi wabo ndetseko abangamiye ni nyungu zumuryango wa
FPR hafatwa gahunda yo kumuca kushuti no kureba uko ba mwijyizayo
nibwo kagame yayoboye Inama kuri Muhazi iwe yari igizwe na matsinda
abiri iryambere ryari abasirikare ryabonanye nawe mu gitondo irindi
rigizwe nabasivile ribonana nawe kumugoroba ariko yahamagaye icyo gihe
abitwagako ari inkora mutimaze itsinda ryambere ryari rigizwe
nabasirikare barimo Kabarebe ndetse na Nziza hamwe na Ndahiro na
Karegeya wagombaga kuba ari muriynama ariko bihurirana nuko atari mu
Gihugu hamwe na Muhire icyo bize nuko Kayumba bamwaka imbaraga afite
no kureba ukuntu bamurekera mu gisirikare ariko ntakigiremo imbaraga
nibwo hafashwe gahunda yo kukigabanyamo Kabiri umutwe urwanira mu
kirere nu wo Kubutaka bikagira ubuyobozi kandi Nziza ahabwa gahunda yo
kujyenzura abitwa boseko aringo aba Kayumba niko bitwaga icyo gihe.

Kubasivile harimo nka ba Tito Rutaremara,Musoni Polotazi,Musoni
James,Ngarambe umunyamabanga wa FPR hamwe na Mutsindashyaka nabandi
bageraga bo nko kuri 20. Bo basabwe ahanini gukangurira abanyamuryango
ububi bwa Kayumba.

Nibwo kayumba agiye kwiga mugihugu cyu bwongereza nabwo bisigara
bishyushye haduka ibihuha byakwirakwijwe na DIM bitazwe na Nziza
akoresheje capt Mugisha wabarizwaga muri DIM ndetse na Rushema Inkotsa
yu mugi nibwo hakozwe Gahunda yogutangira ku musenya hahamagazwa
abantu benshi cyane bitwagako ari inshuti ibinyamakuru birandika
abaregwa niyo nkubiri ya Kayumba biba birabahitanye nibwo ubona abitwa
ba Bihozagara ba Rwamasirabo ba Mazimpaka nabandi benshi bagiye
bigizwa inyuma bagashyirwa kubyitwa gushyirwa ku Gatebe.

Nibwo Gen.

Kayumba yakurikiranaga ibyo byose byberaga mu rwanda yibereye UK ariko
yicecekeye nibwo yaje mu biruhuko mu Rwanda icyateye kagame kwibaza
habaye umupila kuri stade amahoro icyo gihe kayumba aza kuwureba nibwo
abantu barahaguruka ba mukomera amashyi icyo gihe Kagame yarababaye
cyane nibwo yabajije Nziza ati ikibazo kiri hehe nibwo nziza ya
mubwiyeko hari Group ze ziticaye ubusa nibwo haje kutangira gucamo
abantu ibice abitwa Group yabacuruzi bavuye nairobi bacamo kabiri haza
igice cya Ntazinda na Uzia ariko Ntazinda yarari nabantu nka batatu
nibwo hatangiye gushakirwa ibyaha ba Uzia hifashijwe Ntazinda na
Mudahunga Jean Marie babeshyera uzia ibutware ariko aza no gutukwa nu
mufasha wa Kagame kuri Muhazi icyo gihe bari batumiwe nibwo bavuzeko
kayumba yigaruriye bamwe mu baza bavuye za Burundi abitwa ba
Nyaruhirira bari inshutize nabo bibageraho hifashijwe abahungube niko
ba Bihozagara nabo byabagezeho intambara ya Kagame na Kayumba iba
iratangiye.

Nibwo byadukiriye mu Gisirikare hakorwa indonde zabasirikare bagomba
gusezererwa nta nteguza barirukanwa abo ba Major Macumu Lt. Col
Ruhetamacumu nabandi beshi cyane abirukanwe nta nteguza. Ubutaha
nzabagezaho Kayumba avuye UK agiye gukorera muri NSS asimbura Gatsinzi
akorana na Col Karegeya nuburyo Gen. Kayumba yoherejwe mu Buhinde. "
Rwandan WikiLeaks.



(Fuite No1) GENERALI NKUNDA AZIRA IKI ????

".

Nkubu nka Nkunda ni ikindi kibazo nti mukabone Kagame amufataho
bugwate mugirengo ntaba afite icyo ashaka guhisha kuriwe buriya Nkunda
yabayeho ari Kagame umukoze nuko atangirana na CNDP ndetse ubwo yo
yarebaga igice cya Congo yaruguru kigizwe naba Nyejomba hamwe na
Abagogwe nuko bakora nundi mutwe umwe wundi wari ugizwe ahanini naba
Nyamurenge wa Col.

Mutebutsi iyo mitwe yose yagenzurwaga na DIM bireba Kacyira umufasha
wa Kirabo nuko ibaho biba ngobwa ko noneho bagerageza ingufu zayo
nubwo bateraga Bukavu irafatwa nuko munyuma baza kuyirekura ariko
Kagame asaba Nkunda kwitandukanya na Mutebutsi kuko ngo abanyamurenge
batavugirwamo ndetse ko bari bamaze kubona aho Masunzu yabageze kugeza
nubwo Masunzu yari yabanesheje neza.

Nibwo Nkunda agiye mugice cyitwa Karehe nyuma aza gusabwa kujya
kwimukira za Masisi nibwo Leta ya Kagame yifuje ko Ntaganda nawe aza
akisungana na Nkunda ubwo byagizwemo ni ngufu ninzego zubutasi zu
rwanda ariko nubundi Ntaganda yari yaragiye hariya kubera ikibazo Leta
ya Kagame yari ifitanye na Uganda nibwo bari bafite ubwoba ko Uganda
yazakoresha bamwe mubanyarwanda bari kumwe na Rubanga ubu ubarizwa
Rahe.

Nibwo noneho ingabo Ntaganda yaravanye hariya ziyunze na Nkunda ariko
ikintu cyabayeho gikomeye nuko Nkunda yiyubatse kuburyo bukomeye akora
ingufu bihagije ava ku basirikare 7500 yari afite byari bizwi nu
rwanda nuko agera ku 18000 kandi bafite gahunda nibikoresho ndetse na
Disipline kujyeza ubwo Nkunda atari agikeneye inkunga nimwe ya Leta ya
Kagame nibwo habayeho kubyuka kw'intambara mu burasirazuba bwa Congo
nibwo Nkunda yitwaye neza k'urugamba bigera aho Leta ya Kagame
yoherezayo abasirikare ishaka ngo kubaha umusada nibwo nkunda
yababwiyeko ntawo akeneye bitangira kurakaza ba Kayonga nabandi
basirikare bakuru bu Rwanda kugeza hari aho ingabo zu rwanda
zananirwaga iza Nkunda zikaza kubakiza nibwo Kayonga yakoze rapolo
ijya ibukuru ivugako niba batitondeye Nkunda ari Ikibazo gikomeye muri
Region.

Nibwo berekanye ubushobozi bwa basirikare amaze kugira ndetse ni ngufu
nuburyo abantu bari bamaze kujya bamwibonamo kuva Congo,Uganda,Burundi
ndetse nabamwe muba Hutu navugako ari Modele ndetse nandi moko ya
banyecongo navuga nka abahunde banyejombo ndetse naba Bembe kujyeza no
kubandandi ndetse ni nkunga yabonaga ivuye imihanda yose nibwo babwiye
Kagame ko habayeho uburangare bw'inzego zipereza zayoborwaga na
Musemakweri na Nzabamwita nibwo hafashe icyemezo cyo kuvana Kakira ku
muyobozi wa DIM wungirije asimburwa nuwitwa Tinka ndetse hamwe nabandi
mubayobozi bari bashizwe CNDP nibwo kandi niba ubyibuka Kagame
yararakaye cyane kubantu babanya muryango ba FPR bari batangiye kujya
batera inkunga CNDP munama yabereye Primahordng Kimihurura uburakari
yavuganye nibwo hatangiye Gahunda yo gusenya CNDP.

Nibwo hifashijwe ntaganda yemererwa akayabo kamafaranga menshi ndetse
no gukingirwa ikibaba yewe nibwo bavuzeko Nkunda atonesha abagogwe
gusa batangira kubacamo ibice iyo Mission yahawe Kabarebe nibwo Bosco
Ntaganda avuze yirukanye Nkunda kubuyobozi bwa CNDP ariko ikindi nuko
Kagame nawe yari agaramiwe namahanga nibwo bahamagaye Nkunda
bamubeshya ngo naze barangize ikibazo neza baramubeshya Nkunda araza
nibwo yafatwaga ariko havuka ikibazo nanubu kitarabonerwa umuti nuko
Nkunda nubu abasiri nabaturage banze kumuvaho bamubona nkumucunguzi
wabo kugeza ikigihe cyose haba mu baturage mu basirikare ndetse no
muyandi moko yo muri Congo.

Nibwo Leta ya KGL yumvishije Kabila niba ashaka kugira amahoro aruko
baha ingufu Bosco Ntaganda ariko nubungubu byananiranye guhuza ingabo
zose za CNDP kuko 85% byose kiri inyuma ya Nkunda banze kujya aho Leta
yabimuriye none ubungubu urwego rushizwe iperereza rya Gisirikare DIM
ubungu rwahawe gahunda yo kwigizayo abantu ba nkunda guhera mu
basivile twavuga nku musaza Semadwinga Ntare Denis ndetse nu mu Maman
wahoze ari umufasha wa Munyeshuri nabandi ntarondora ubu muri ibibihe
hari gahunda yo gutangira kwica mu Basirikare bakuru barimo
Makenga,Salongo nabandi.

Leta ya kgl yatangiye gahunda yo kuvugako Gen. Kayumba na Col.

Karegeya bashaka kwifatanya nabahoze ari ingabo za Nkunda kandi ko
baziko ariho hari umubare munini w'abasirikare nibwo ubona Leta ya
Kigali ikora uko ishoboye igakoresha impuguke za UN bakoresheje za
Maneko kugirango basige ibara abo basirikare.

Ikindi nuko igice kinini cya abahutu bari mu Rwanda bari inyuma
yababagabo General Kayumba na Col. Karegeya ndetse nabandi babahanze
nujya ubona Kagame yirirwa atukani uko biba bya murenze.

Ikindi kibazo ugiye kuzabona nuko ubu hamaze kuboneka ikindi gice
kinini cyabanya muryango ba FPR bamaze kuyivaho bakajya kuri General
Kayumba nabagenzi be kuko barambiwe FPR.

Ubu hari Gahunda yahawe Ndahiro yo kugura abanyarwanda baba hanze
ndetse nabafite za Site zikomeye bakagurwa ubungubu hafi 70%
yamafaranga yose yingengo yimari yose agomba gushorwa mu mutekano
nkubu amafaranga yose yari aya banyeshuri yo kujya muri za Kaminuza
yose yagiye mugisirikare ndetse nayareba Ubuhinzi yose nayo yaragiye
yewe ibaze umenye umubare wamafaranga ajyenda kuri za Lobing kugirango
atange isura yu butegetsi bwa Kagame ko ari bwiza ntagira ingano
tutavuze agenda kujya gucyura Interahamwe zamaze abantu nka Camarade
na mwene Sebazungu ariwe Ngabitsinze Aimable.

Ariko ikindi na guhishurira utari uzi nuko mwene Sebazungu afitanye
isano na Rushema na Kagame kuri nyina baba Nyarwamagana. " Rwandan
WikiLeaks.


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